After a steady rise of success for the Greens over the past year, has the last month shown that Polanski is no longer the favoured left-wing alternative, or is this just the beginning of Burnham’s honeymoon period? As we see the Green’s opinion poll share rise by between 50-75%, (a share of between 15-17.5%) since October 2025, before plummeting to 9% in early October 2026, their lowest since September 2025 (Poll Check 2026), what’s caused Polanski’s sharp drop in popularity?
Across a series of recent events indicating a decline in public confidence for Polanski, perhaps the most publicised was his loss at Holborn and St Pancras by-election. A Labour hold, with Labour MP Saghal Abdiwali receiving 12,292 votes (45% approx), and the Greens taking second place. However despite their loss, the Green’s vote share was not necessarily indicative of devastation for the party at 8,928, roughly 30% of the vote: their strongest since the notable Gorton & Denton by-election was succeeded by Hannah Spencer in February of this year. Although perhaps not entirely disastrous, the Green’s loss certainly weakens Polanski’s public stance and potentially represents a wider voice of dissatisfaction towards the Greens. Therefore, not exactly a public vote of confidence, this by-election could potentially signify, at least, the pause of the Green Party’s upward popularity score, if not the beginning of the decline of Polanski’s “career boom”.
Separately, Polanski’s plight has only been furthered through the unfolding of the party’s “Zionism is Racism” party vote. From which, he absented himself, failing to draw more supporters, deterring both supporters and opposers of the motion through his lack of action. He argued his absence was shaped by a necessary presence in the Holborn & St Pancras constituency ahead of the by-election, and his support for the motion was withheld. This was despite supporting the substance of the motion, due to two defeated amendments that would’ve protected Jewish party members from “being disciplined” for affiliating with synagogues that consider themselves zionist. This was arguably just as, if not more concerning for Polanski himself as a party leader through alienating party members as well as voters and failing to guide the party alongside a party-shaping and highly contentious policy.
Furthermore, these crucial setbacks have come at a key time of increased success for Burnham’s Labour. Specifically, during party conference season: this year, described as having an ethos deemed ambitious, upbeat and optimistic. This was a sharp contrast from Starmer’s PR strategy of constant reminders that “it may get worse before it gets better” and “14 years of Conservative mistakes can’t be fixed overnight”, and seemingly allows voters to cautiously regain optimism for what Burnham’s Labour may deliver. Though Burnham’s pull on voters is certainly not going to lead to the entire collapse of the Greens as a whole, as ultimately Polanski is still acting as a voice that many further left voters simply don’t see in Burnham.
Ultimately whilst the Greens aren’t disappearing from the British political party landscape anytime soon, voters arguably are now seemingly seeking stability and change through Burnham more than voters felt possible with the previous PM, contributing to the Green’s decline in support. This current optimism towards Labour coupled with several discerning public crises for the Greens, is marking a tentative stage in Polanski’s career as leader.
